A Poison in the Labor Movement
Angela Zachary
6/12/2024
There is a poison within the Labor Movement that threatens to handicap, cripple, and neuter the Working Class. I’m not referring to an external threat; nor am I talking about Taft-Hartley, Ronald Reagan, or neoliberalism. No, the poison that I refer to is much more insidious, much more concealed, and, ultimately, much more dangerous.
“When the company does well, the workers do well, too!”
This slogan—commonly heard, not just among working people, but actual Labor organizers—represents a sentiment that has crept into the consciousness of the Labor Movement (actually, it’s been there for centuries, always standing in contradiction to the more militant Labor trends of the I.W.W. or C.I.O., but that historical deep dive must be saved for another article). It constitutes a view of Labor that is devoid of class analysis or an understanding of struggle. It promulgates “peaceful coexistence” with the owning class and the fruits of this venom are apparent for all to see: record low unionization numbers, weak contracts, lazy and complacent organizers, record profits being extracted from the labor of workers, and a working class that is divided against itself.
Understanding of the history, importance, and role of unions in this country is at an all-time low. Every worker experiences exploitation, alienation, and oppression to varying degrees, but very few understand these terms or their cause; for most working people, these economic, political, and social ills present themselves in the forms of paycheck-to-paycheck living, constant exhaustion, decreased or eliminated benefits, and, for many, substance use, homelessness, depression, and premature death. Because most workers do not understand the root cause of these societal problems, we see working people turning against one another, shifting blame from one group to another: the immigrants, the Muslims, the Queer community, the coffee shop baristas, etc.
Historically, unions and other working class organizers served the important role of bringing understanding and context to these issues by educating workers about the class dynamics in society. These organizers built solidarity among seemingly-disparate communities by showing how social differences are intentionally highlighted and enflamed by the ruling owning class to divide workers against each other. They raised the class consciousness of the working and oppressed masses, uniting folks in struggle against exploitation and oppression. These radical organizers broke through racial animosity, empowered working women, elevated Queer folk, and bravely crossed national and cultural borders to organize the unorganized.
Today, and in most areas of the country, this vision of a radical Labor Movement is not to be found.
In its place, we find a union establishment that cares more about bumping elbows with politicians than actually fighting for working people. We find union “organizers” who prefer to sit back lazily, waiting for the workers to call them instead of reaching out to the unorganized and interacting with working people themselves. We find contracts spanning five-plus years as opposed to annual contracts because the union negotiators and legal counsel don’t want to be bothered with regular, intense struggle for the benefit of the workers. We find rank-and-file members actually bashing their own union, complaining about how little the union does for them, how little the union cares, and how the union appears to exist simply to collect dues.
This is ridiculous, shameful, and appalling.
Anecdotally, I have personally interacted with about a dozen workers this past year who have desperately explained the troubles they’ve had with their respective unions: from workers preparing for an election or contract negotiations that are receiving little to no guidance, to workers under a contract admitting they have no contact with a union steward or rep. One worker reported that as they prepared for their union election and faced unrelenting union-busting tactics from their boss, their union rep told them, “Well, when the company goes low, we need to prove we are better.”
Unsurprisingly, the union rep proved that he was neither better nor worse, lower nor higher than the company, but just demonstrably complacent and disconnected: the union did nothing to combat the union-busting in real time, lost the election, and is now navigating the legal side of the campaign as they file numerous unfair labor practice (ULP) claims against the employer. For our readers who may hear this story and think that this is common practice for Labor organizing: you are correct, this is common practice, but it shouldn’t be! Filing ULP claims against the company is a critically important part of defending workers’ rights, but this component does not replace on-the-ground, rank-and-file organizing. Reliance on legal filings illustrates a disgusting disregard for the day-to-day needs of workers who have bravely stepped forward to organize their workplace and neglects the most basic and essential component of Labor organizing: that of raising class consciousness, building solidarity, and incorporating all workers in the struggle.
Historically speaking, as I stated before, this sentiment is not new to the Labor Movement. It represents the longstanding contradiction between class collaboration unionism (also called corporate or business unionism) and class struggle unionism. Broadly speaking, these two opposing views on the role of unions represent the most prominent conceptions of unionism; class collaboration unionism, unfortunately, has a solid majority among the established unions today. This view advocates for peaceful coexistence with the owning class and tends to remain in a defensive posture as opposed to the militant fighting stance of class struggle unionism. It doesn’t like to “rock the boat,” for it proposes that all of us—workers and owners alike—are in that “same boat.”
In reality, the working class is certainly in “the same boat”—a rinky-dink canoe that we’re all shoved into, asses-to-elbows, complete with punctures filling the interior with water and a noticeable lack of food, healthcare, and other human necessities—while the owning class watches on from their boat—a superyacht bought and paid for by our labor!
In order for working people to progress as a class, to secure what is in our best interests, and to begin to create a world that serves the interests of all, class collaboration unionism must be struggled against as vehemently as we struggle against the bosses; because, in the final analysis, class collaboration unionism is a creation of and serves the interests of the owning class. The material, observable, measurable, and historical fact is that the working class’s interests are in direct contradiction to the interests of the owning class, and vice versa. When the company “does well,” it does so on the backs of working people at their expense. Conversely, when workers “do well,” it is because they are seizing power and control over the economic systems that were designed to exploit them and are making strides to dismantling that system in favor of a new one which serves the interests of their class. This is the heart of class struggle unionism and matches the objective realities of the conflict between Labor and the owning class.
The Louisville Workers Brigade was established, not as a Labor union, but as a workers’ association dedicated to educating, supporting, and uniting working people in the community. Though not a union, part of its mission is to do what many of the longstanding unions are not: to raise the class consciousness of workers, to educate them on their own working class history, to offer solidarity in the struggle, and to tear down the divisions which threaten the overall welfare and progress of our class. The Brigade organizes with both unionized and non-unionized workers, paying particular attention to the groups of workers not currently being served by the modern Labor establishment. We seek to radicalize workers, organized and unorganized, and to incorporate them into this important struggle for working class liberation.
Despite the grim report on the current leadership and status of the contemporary Labor Movement, there is still hope: workers everywhere are becoming class conscious. Driven by our current system’s exploitative grinding of workers, folks are seeking alternatives to the system, realizing the futility of attempting to simply reform it. Rank-and-files are pushing their unions to take a more combative and aggressive approach to fighting the bosses, demanding struggle, not collaboration. This important shift must be bolstered and increased, and the Brigade exists to facilitate this process in the Louisville community.
When class struggle unionism finally overtakes class collaboration unionism, working people can finally enjoy the benefits of a militant Labor Movement that understands the conflict between the owning and working classes, fights ferociously for workers, and struggles to usher in a new world where Labor is given the power and prominence it rightfully deserves. When this happens, workers can expect shorter, but stronger contracts, designed to keep the owners constantly on the defense as workers push further and harder for their class interests. We can expect a Labor Movement that understands all workers are organizers and actively empowers them to engage in the struggle. We can expect union membership to grow and to be populated with countless workers eager to secure gains for our class. We can expect a national—international, even—push for a better world. This is the hope that class struggle unionism offers.
And so, dear readers, fellow workers: solidarity always and forever! Down with class collaboration unionism and victory to class struggle unionism!